LABO ISMA SAARIN:XASUUS REEB :GORFAYN BUUG

 Labo Isma saarin waa buug cusub oo dhawaan soo baxay oo uu qoray Xuseen Khaliif X Jaaamac. Qoraagu wuxuu ka warramayaa ururkii hubaysnaa ee SSDF. Waa jabhaddii ugu horraysay ee hub u qaadatay in ay la dirirto kalitaliskii askarta, balse waxa buugga xiisaha u yeelaya ayaa ah in qoraagu goobjoog ahaa oo isaga laftiisu halgankaas ku biiray. Wuxuu ka mid ahaa dadkii ugu horreeyey ee hubka qaatay oo dagaalka aaday. 

Waxaa iyana xusid mudan in qoraagu aanu ku kaaftoomin ogaalka iyo xasuustiisii shakhsiga ahayde uu masuuliyad iska saaray in uu xog badan raadiyo. Baaris iyo baadigoob taariikhda ururka ayuu qoraagu waday muddo ku siman 25 sano, haddana waxa uu soo gudbinayaa dhacdooyin badan oo uu isaga laftiisu goobjoog u ahaa. 

Xaseen Khaliif oo ah qoraaga buugga ayaa ka warramaya dhufsane yaraha ka dhexeeya isaga iyo Jabhadda SSDF. Wuxuu qoraagu ku bilaabayaa markii uu iskoolka ka baxay iyo duruuftii dalka ka jirtay, gaar ahaan wixii qabyaalad iyo qaraabo kiil meesha lagu hayey. In isaga oo Dugsi sare dhammaystay uu Layli Sargaal doontay kulliyadda Jaalle Siyaad. Foolxumadii kuliyadda ka jirtay ayuu qoraagu ina dhex-gaynayaa. In meesha qabyaalad qaawan lagu hayey ayuu ka sheekaynayaa. Carruur aan waxba baran in goobta la soo tubay ayuu ku adkaysanayaa, waliba in qaar ubadkaas ka mid ahi aysan waxba qori karin ayuu ku doodayaa qoraagu! Waxaase Xuseen quus ku riday markii macallin meesha ka tirsani maalin ku waaniyey in uu meesha isaga tago oo mustaqbal tan dhaanta raadsado, haddii kale carruurtaas lasoo bootiyey ayuu mustaqbalkiisu u dabranaan doonaa. Taaasaana keentay sida qoraagu ku doodayo in dad badani isaga tagaan kulliyadda. 

Mar kale waa kan Xuseen oo nolol cusub bilaabay. Markan waa macallin, deedna wuxuu ku biiray kuliyadda caafimaadka. Waa nin dhallinyaro ah, dantiisa ku mashquulsan oo aan siyaasadda dan ka lahayn. Yeelkiise, waxaa dhacday in subax baas la toogtay saraakiishii masuulka ka ahaa inqilaabkii dhicisoobay ee uu hoggaaminayey Cirro. Waa rag ay xuseen isku hayb yihiin. Dhagtaa dhiigga loo daray oo birta laga aslay. Intaas xaalku kuma ekaane, wuxuu qoraagu ka warramayaa in Dowladdu ku xayraantay tolkiis. Dad badan baa xabsiga la dhigay, rag badan baa habeen saq-dhexe gurhaya lagala baxay. Dirsooc iyo duullaan qaawan baa dad gaar ah lagu qaaday oo awood dolwadeed loo adeegsaday. Arrimahaasi aan soo sheegay ayaa sabab u noqday in ardaygii da’da yaraaa uu dirir guddoonsado.

Xuseen waxa uu ku biiray ururkii SSDF dhammaadkii 1978-dii.SSF baa bilowgii magaca jabhadda la oran jiray, 1981-kii baa D lagu daray, kaddib markay ku soo biireen rag bidix ahaa oo koonfurta Yemen ka yimid oo ay hoggaaminayeen Siciid Jaamac Xuseen iyo Cabdiraxmaan Caydiid .Wuxuu qoraagu ka warramayaa rag macno iyo miisaan ku lahaa siyaasadda dalka in ay jabhadda wax ka dhiseen, qaarna gaadaal kaga soo biireen. Waxaan raggaas ka xusi karnaa Cismaan Nuur Cali Qonof (Xoghayihiii caddaaladda bilowgii xukunka askarta) Xasan Cali Mire (Xogahayihii Waxbarashada 1969-1970),) iyo Cumar Istarliin(Duqii Mogadishu 1965-1966). Raggaas kor ku xusan ee aqoonyahanka iyo siyaasiiyiinta ahi waxay hore u sameeyaan urur magaciisu ahaa SODAF. Waxay ahaayeen urur siyaasi ah, laakiin ku taameyey in ay garab ciidan samaystaan. Wuxuu qoraagu xusayaa in raggaasi 8 nin u dirsadeen Israel, si ay tababar u soo qaataan, balse waxaa riyadoodii hakiyey dagaalkii 1977 ee dhexmaray Itoobiya iyo Soomaaliya. Kaddib fashilkii inqilaabka Cirro Cabdullaahi Yuusuf iyo saraakill kale ayaa Kenaya galay, kaddibna SODAF ayaa faraqaha isku xirteen oo ururka SSDF wada dhisteen. Itoobiya ayaa dhul la waydiistay oo halkaas jabhad laga yagleelay. 

Xuseen Wuxuu si faahfaahsan uga warramayaa intuu ka ogaa hawlgaldii dagaal ee ay jabhaddu gashay. Xadgudubaydii ay dawladdii askartu reerka Xuseen kula kacaysay ayaa sababay in dad tiro badani ay jabhadda ku biiraan oo ay ku jiraan saarkiil sare, siyaasiyiin, macallimiin iyo arday badan oo iskoolada dhiganaysay. Muddadii jabhaddu jirtay waxay gashay dagaalo badan, waxaase ugu waynaa kii ay ku qabsadeen magaalooyinka Galdogob iyo Balanbale. Wuxuu qoraagu xusayaa in dhawr jeer ay Ethiopia ka codsadeen in magaalooyinkaas dagaal lagu qaado, balse Ethiopia ay diiday. Baaris dheer kaddib waxa uu qoraagu ogaaday in qabsashada magaalooyinkaas ay ahayd labo mid uun. Waa tan koowaade arrin istiraatiiji ah oo Ethiopia ka timid, ujeedkuna ahaa in Mengiste la heshiiyo Soomaliya, ciidankiisana u qaado Eritrea oo jabhaddii EPLF ay dagaal ba’an ku haysay. “Haddaba si uu hoos u gu dhigo gorgortanka Soomalida ayey Ethiopia goosatay inay dhul Soomaaliyeed qabsato, kaddibna sheegato, si Soomaaliya uga tanaasusho wax badan, hankeeduna u jabo, xitaa in la isku dayo in MSB ka tanaasulo Hawd iyo dhulka Riseef.” Sababta kale ayuu ku sheega in ay ahayd weerar ay ONLF ku qaadday goob shidaalka laga baaro oo shilaabi ku taala, weerarkaas oo laga soo abaabulay Balanbale. Jabinta baaqa qarsoon ee ciidanka Soomaaliya ayaa qoraagu ku tilmaamay in ay ahayd guul wayn oo ay jabhaddu gaartay, taasoo u fududaysay in ay muddo sannado ah ay helaan sirta ciidanka Soomaaliya. Furitaankii Radio Kulmis ayaa qayb libaax ka qaatay dacaayadda jabhadda iyo in dad badan jabhadda ku soo biiraan. Waxaa iyana xusid mudan barnaamiyaddii xiisa lahaa ee Mustafe Xaaji Nuur,dacaayaddii Xirsi Magan ee Laaska Daawada, gabayadii kicinta ee Khaliif Shiikh Maxamuud iyo wacdigii Shiikh Cabdullaahi Macallin ayaa noqday mid xiiso leh oo ay dadku habeenkii si qarsoodi ah ula dhuuntaan, iyagoo ka baqaya nabadsugidda oo habeenkii guryaha dhagaysan jirtay. 

Arrinta xiisaha leh ayaa ah in qoraagu ku dhiiraday in uu u sheego hawlgallada ay ku guulaysteen, kuwa ay ku fashilmeen, khasaaraha gaaray, khaladaadkii iyo xadgudubyadii jabhaddu gashay, sida maxaabiis la dilay, dad ay qafaasheen, dad riyad ah oo si khaldan loo dilay. Tusaale; odoyaal Siyaad Barre la reer ahaa oo la dilay, waxna aysan madaxda jabhaddu ka qaban wayday. Sidoo kale markay jabahaddu qabsatay Galdogob wuxuu Xuseen aad uga naxaysida ay jabhaddu u bililqaysatay magaalada, madaxdu jabhadduna uga aamuseen danbigaas. Waa arrin aan looga baran Soomaalida in ay u bareeraan qirashada gefafkooda. Dhanka kale, wuxuu qoraagu xusayaa in Jabhaddu sannadihii hore ay ku hawlgalaysay hub yar iyo raashin ay Ethiopia ka heli jireen, balse 1981 uu xaalku is beddelay markii dawladda Liibiya ay taageero hub iyo dhaqaale u fidisay. Sababta taageerada Liibiya wuxuu Xuseen ku macneeyay in ay sabab u ahayd taageerada Soomaaliya siisay Masar ka dib markii ay dalalka Carabtu xiriirka u jireen ,kadib hishiiskii Camp David, taasoo ka caraysiisay Liibiya iyo waddamadii kale ee bidixda. Xaalka nololeed ee jabhaddu in uu aad isu beddelay ayuu xusay, in kasta oo uu raacshay in ay dhibaatana keentay. Madaxweynihii Yementa Koonfuureed baa booqasho ugu tagay Qadaafi oo ka codsaday in uu jabhadda taageero, taasoo uu Qadaafi horay ka aqbalay, madaxda jabhadduna ay booqasho ku tagtay, halkaasna waxaa ka samaysmay oo xiriir wangasan oo u dhexeeya Qadaafi iyo Jabhadda SSDF. 

Qaybta dambe, wuxuu kaga hadlayaa sababihii keenay in ay jabhaddu fadhiid noqoto. Wuxuu sheegay in hoggaanka sare ee jabhaddu uusan waxbadan dhaamin kalitaliskii ay ka soo carareen. Waa kan mar kale qoraagu isaga oo ka warramaya sida wax u socdeen: “Tan kale ee isku kay qaban wayday waa in maamul adag ee military ah la dirirnay, ugu danbayna abuurnay mid kale oo isna ku shaqeeya qaab military” - nin Barre la oron jiray oo SSDF ka tirsanaa ayaa sameeyay hadalka ah “ka tag talo xume, u tag talo xume, anna waa tabtaan nahaye”. Nin dhakhtar ahaa oo Dalmar la dhihi jiray ayaa Maalin Xuseen waydiiyay fariqiga u dhaxeeya MSB iyo Cabdullaahi Yusuf aan ka ahayn in ay Cabdulaaahi ilmo-Adeer yihiin.

 Xuseen halganka hubaysan niyad fiican ayuu u hayay, inkasta oo bilowgii sida wax u socdeen uusan la dhicin, balse ma aanu doonayn in uu ka tago ururka, muddo 5 sano ah ayuuna ka tirsanaa, isaga oo mar walba qabay rajo ah in ay wax isbeddelayaan. Maamul xumada hoggaanka sare ayuu sheegay in ay keentay in dad badan ay fakadaan oo dalkii dib u gu laabtaan. 

Wuxuu xusay in Guddoomiyihii jabhadda uu noqday kaligii-talis kale oo dadka isaga taabacsan xililka u dhiiba, kuwa ka aragti duwanna xilalka ka fogeeya. Waxaa “caado u noqotay guddoomiyaha in Sarkaalkii mucaarad noqda uu ku beddelo mid cusub oo jidbaysan ilaa uu mucaarad ka noqonayo.” Cilladda kale ee fashilka keentay ayuu qoraagu ku sheegay in dad rayid ah aysan halganka hoggaamin (marka laga reebo waqti yar oo uu guddoomiye ahaa Mustafe Xaaji Nuur) iyo in hal qof uu xukunka ku raagay oo uusan hoggaanku is beddalin. Wuxuu xusay in aan muddo dheer la qaban shirwaynihii jabhadda, balse ugu danbayn la qabtay sannadkii 1983. Wuxuu sheegay shirwaynahaas in uu ahaa “qimada burburka jabhadda” ka dib markuu gudddoomiyihii jabhaddu golaha dhexe ka buuxshay taageerayaashiisa. Markuu arkay in uusan shirwaynihii isbedel keenin ayuu go’aan kama dambays ah ku gaaray in uu jabhadda isaga tago. 

Wuxuu intaas ku daray in rag aan natiijadii shirwaynaha ku qancin ay abaabuleen gadood ciidan, taasoo ugu danbayn keentay in ciidankii furimaha ku jiray oo wata taangiyo ay Soomaaliya u goostaan. Halkaasna waxaa jabhadda kaga dhacay ”jug culus” oo soo dedajisay burburkii ciidanka jabhadda. Waxayse jabhaddu si kama dambays ah u burburtay markii la xiray guddoomiyhii jabhadda. Sababta ayuu qoraagu ku sheegay in “badi ciidanku ay taageersanaayeen guddoomiyaha jabhadda.” Markii Cabdullahi xabsiga la dhigay ayaa ciidankiigadooday, taasoo sababtay in Ethiopia hub ka dhigis ku samayso. Waxaa hoggaanka Cabdillaahu kaga dambeeyey saddex nin oo rayid ahaa oo kala ahaa Maxamed Abshir Woldo (wuxuu ka shaqeeyay BBC iyo Agaasimihii Radio Mogadishu, wuxuu Masters ka qaatay Columbia School of Journalism bilowgii lixdamaadka) Dr.Xasan Cali Mire (Xasan wuxuu ahaa Soomaaligii ugu horreeyay ee PhD qaata, wuxuuna ka baxay jaamacadda Princeton 1962, wuxuuna noqday xogahayihii Waxbarasha 1969-1970) iyo ninka saddexaad oo ah Ambassador Muuse Islaan (Wuxuu safiir ka noqday dhawr wadan sida Masar iyo Kuwait). Maaddaama ay askartu Cabdillaahi taageersanayd way adkaatay in ay wada shaqeeyaan, waxna way ka qaban waayeen jabhaddii sii dumaysay. 

Cabdullaahi Yuusuf markuu sababta xarigiisa ka hadlayo wuxuu buuggiisa ku sheegay in ay ahayd jawaabtiisii hadalka Goshu Wolde (Wasiirkii Arrimaha Dibadda Ethiopia ) oo ahaa in ay Galdogob iyo Balanbale ay Ethiopia leedahay. Xuseen wuxuu rumaysan yahay in Cabdullaahi aan arrintaas loo xirin. Wuxuu doodda Cabdullaahi ku buriyay in hadlkiisa iyo xarigiisa ay u dhaxaysay muddo sannad ah. Xuseen wuxuu waraysi 1994-kii la yeeshay Goshe Wolde oo uu arrimo badan ka waraystay. Wuxuu waydiiyey sababta uu u yiri Goldogob iyo Balanballe Ethiopia iska Leh? Wasiirku wuxuu ugu jawaabay in uusan xasuusan, balse uu filayo in arrimo maxali ah hadalkaas ku kaliftay. Waxa kale oo Goshe u sheegay in hadalkiisu uusan siyaasadda dawladda ahayn, balse uu isaga gaar ku ahaa, mengiste na uu ka codsaday in uu hadlkaas ka noqdo. Mar uu wayiiday in Cabdulaahi arrintaas loo xiray ayuu u sheegay in aysan sababtaas la xiriirin. Wuxuu wayiiday meesha SSDF laga soo galay? Wuxuu u gu jawaabay “waxaa idin ku dhacay dagaal siyaasadeed ka dhex socday qaaradda Africa ee lala kala saftay jabhadii polisario iyo dawladda Morocco. Dawladaha dhanka bidixda ee Libya hoggaaminaysay waxay taageereen in ururka Qaran Africa ka tiraan noqdo, meesha koox ay Ethiopia hoggaaminaysay ay tiri maya.” 

Khilaafka Ethiopia iyo Libya ayaa saamayn xooggan ku yeeshay SSDF. Waxaa ku dhacday labo daran mid dooron, Ethiopia oo saldhiggii haysay iyo Liibiya oo lacagtii haysay. Dowladda Liibiya ayaa SSDF kula talisay in ay Ethiopia ka guuraan oo meel kastana ay ku kharash garayn karto. Wuxuu Xuseen buugga ku sheegay in ay jirto riwaayad kale oo la xiriirta xarigga Cabdullahi taasoo ah In sirdoodnka Ethiopia ay dhagaysteen Cabdulaahi oo telephone ku hadlaya oo dhahaya; “haddii Liibiya lacagta nago goosato, Ilaahay wuxuu na badin Ethiopia, taasina waa rafaad adduun”. Ugu danbayn ,Xuseen wuxuu ka tagay halgankii uu tacabka badan galiyay bishii December 1983 isaga oo jabhadda ka tirsanaa muddo shano ah, kadib markuu arkay in mustaqbalkii jabhaddu mugdi galay. Xuseen wuxuu sheegay siduu u gu farxay soo geliddii Ethiopia November 1978-dii in uu u gu farxay visahii bixidda, kadib markuu ku marmarsooday in uu arrimo caafimaad u dhoofayo. Gunaanadka waxa uu qoraagu ka digayaa jabhadaynta iyo in qofku dalkiisa qori u qaato. Dhanka kale, waxa uu dowladda farayaa in karaamada mudaawinka la dhowro oo dowladdu xuquuqdiisa ilaaliso, si qofku uga kaaftoomo in uu dagaal iyo dirir wax ku raadsho.

LABO ISMA SAAARIN waa buug xiiso iyo xallad badan. Waana buug xog badan xambaarsan, cid wal oo taariikhda dhow ee Soomaalida danaysana marjac ayuu u noqon karaa.

Dhaliilaha buugga waxaa ka mid ah dhanka tifaftirka oo u baahan in si fiican loo hagaajiyo. Dhanka kale, dhawr meel oo iyana sixid u baahan bay Ishaydu qabatay sida In uu qoraagu sheegay in Xirsi Magan iyo raggii la socday ay Eyl qabsadeen 1989-kii , waxayse ahayd 1988- kii. Wuxuu kale oo sheegay in Xirsi Magan uu SNM ka baxay 1988, kadib markii ay isga iyo Axmed Siilaanyo ku murmeen jawaabtii Siilanayo ka bixiyay dilkii lagu xukumay Ismaaciil Cali Abokor iyo dhawr nin oo kale. Xirsi waqti yar baa ku tirsanaa SNM, 1988 wax jabhad ah kama tirsaneen,waana xilliga isaga iyo raggiisu ay Eyl qabsanayaan. Waxaa kale uu sheegay dad loo xiray inqilaabkii Cirro ay xirnaayeen 20 sanno, waqtiguse intaas waa ka yaryahay, maadaama inqilaabku ahaa 1978, dawladduna dhacay 1991.

We don't need an MP who can't support us in Visa to Turkey!

A few months ago, a group of friends and I visited a friend who had just recently wedded. As we were discussing a range of issues, a well-known MP who lost his seat popped up in the discussion. The MP who lost his seat has been representing his clan since 2009. He was a heavyweight politician who played a major role in successive governments. A friend asked why such an MP who is informed and has a good understanding of the complexity of Somalia states building process was replaced by an unknown novice who is a newcomer to Politics? He was rebuked by two friends from the former MP's clan. "Marabno xildhibaan aan Visa Turkey soo Saari Karin ( We don't need an MP who can't support us in Visa to Turkey)," they said.

I had a convo with friends over the last few years where I asked how do they evaluate their MPs? Their response was almost unanimous, and they said they wanted their MP to do a job that is not his formal job. The MP's job is to make and pass laws and oversee the executive, among other things. The clans expect their MP to buy school fees and medical bills, dig walls, seek scholarships for students from his clan, help their employment in government jobs.His thousands dollar salary can't cover all these expenses. The MPs often spend more on their constituents than they earn through their salaries.The MP doesn't have an office and budget to support his constinucey. Somalia doesn't have the luxury to create Constituency Development Funds.

The clans want their MPs to fill the gap left by the state by building schools, health centres, roads. They rarely expect any service from the state. Some MPs build schools or dig walls for their constituency from their salary to get their blessings at the time of election. Informal role matters more to constituents than passing laws. So as an MP, your are required to perform dual jobs: formal parliamentary jobs like making and passing laws and informal ones. Since the citizens can't get the government service fairly, they are pushed to get support from their clansmen. You will never be able to get a government job, scholarship, or passport without your MP or minister's intermediation.

In every election, new MPs are elected with no experience in Parliament. Few of them are interested In making laws.NGOs sponsor most laws approved by the Parliament. You would never see parliamentarians tabling laws that are important for the country. You would rarely see an MP who can perform both Formal and Informal roles. Some MPs actively participate in parliamentary debates, while some prefer to perform informal roles that are important to their constituents. Others are not good at both Formal and Informal.

The clans want their MP to do informal jobs, while the country needs MPs working on the legislative agenda. The MPs should strike a balance between serving their constituents and the country.

Abaarso school: A cause for Celebration

Jonathan Starr is an American, a former hedge fund manager who quit his job to start a world-class school In Abaarso Village, Somaliland. In his book "it takes a school", he discusses his journey of creating a first-class school in Somaliland. Jonathan was born and raised in Worcester, Massachusetts. He attended Emory University, where he received a B.A. Summa Cum Laude in Economics.

Jonathan's aunt married to a Somali man named Bille from Ceerigaabo.Bill graduated from Sheikh Secondary School, and one of the thirteen students were admitted into American universities in the 1960s. He graduated from Boston University and Syracuse University. Bille was a long-time employee of the United Nations, living in New York City. Jonathan used to attend in his teens a family get-together where he would hear Billeh lamenting that his people in Somaliland couldn't access the good schooling they used to get in the 50s and 60s due to lack of recognition.

Johnathan was pursuing his career ambitions but was consumed by Billeh's dreams to improve the lives of his people back home. Jonathan was running an investment firm and was making good money, but it was not satisfying his curiosity and dreams to create "something special". He decided to return the money to investors and close the firm. He called Billeh and told him he wanted to help the people of Somaliland. They travelled together to Somaliland, where he would meet with some people Billeh knew and told them he committed to starting a good school in Somaliland to "produce future leaders of the country". When he arrived, the first choice of Somaliland students was SOS in Sheikh. Jonathan participated in SOS administrated exam to enlist students for his new school. The students would list SOS and Abaarso as their first and second choices. Most of the Student's choice was SOS as Abaarso was not yet known and was taking the first class. SOS was taking only 50 out 126. The Other students who didn't make it to SOS considered themselves "leftovers".Jonathan had difficulty convincing the students to register for his new school. He told them that the best thing that happened to them was that they were not admitted to Sheikh and promised his school would be better than SOS. Jonathan donated $500,000 from his pocket to build the school, and the first-class started their education in 2009.

He transitioned his students From "rote memorization to critical thinking,". He encouraged his students to ask questions and interact with their teachers. He taught classes on logic to "challenge his student's brains to think, not to memorize."

Some bad behaviours that were normal in other schools, like cheating the exam and littering, were not tolerable in his school. He was adamant about setting high standards for his students. He stated clearly Abaarso's values—tenacity, critical thinking, and integrity —that every Student is required to follow. He introduced community service, sports and extracurricular activities and orphanage tutoring programs. The Student's great performance convinced some of the best boarding schools in the United States to sponsor some Abaarso students to spend one year at their campus or attend summer programs.

The abaarso Student had proven wrong to the doubters who believed they couldn't compete internationally after getting good grades at the boarding schools. Jonatan sold his Student's performance to American Universities. Dozens of students were accepted into American Universities —some of them got accepted at Ivey leagues like Harvard, MIT and Dartmouth.

He explains later in the book some of the tremendous challenges that could cause the school to be closed. Khadar, a Somali -American who had secured the land for the school, had claimed that he owned the school. He spread misinformation that the school teaches something contrary to Islam and converts students to Christianity. Some media run articles accusing Abaarso of diluting the culture and religion. Moreover, some schools that felt threatened exploited religious and cultural fears to prevent entry to good schools.

In recent years, there has been widespread condemnation against Abaarso and Barwaaqo University for allegedly spreading immorality and converting the students to Christianity. I was told some parents pull their children out of school due to believing what is being said against the school or fearing the safety of their children. There was a fuss on social media to close down the school.

Abaarso is one of the rare success stories in Somali regions. It gives me hope to see hundreds of Somalis admitted into the best schools. We need more schools like Abaarso so our children can compete internationally. Nevertheless, nothing is more important than preserving the people's culture and religion; thus, the government should take an oversight role. The parents must forge a close relationship with their children to know what they are taught. The school shall also refrain from anything against the culture and religion of the society it operates.